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Footnotes and References
Part 2 / Findings: Centrifugal Motivation

Chicano Artists and Zapatistas Walk Together
Asking, Listening, Learning:

The Role of Transnational Informal Learning Networks
In the Creation of A Better World

by Roberto Gonzaléz Flores
Los Angeles, California

Footnotes Part 2

1. Foley, G. (2004) Dimensions of Adult Learning: Adult Education and Training In A Global Era. Open University Press. Maidenhead, Berkshire, England.

2. Appendix 1: Plan General de Los Encuentros Culturales Chican@-Indígena Zapatista: Misión, Visión, Premisas y Metas: La Reconstrucción a través de la Autodeterminación.

3. By “greater” Latino community I am referring to all immigrants or descendents of immigrants from Latin America. While it is generally agreed that Chican@ belong to the Latino community not all Latin@s identify themselves as Chican@.

4. To Learn more about Jose Ramirez’s art go to

5. “Los maestros mexicanos” is in reference to Diego Rivera, David Alvaro Siqueiros, Rufino Tamayo and Jose Clemente Orozco who were initiators and participants in the Mexican Mural Renaissance, a movement that among other radical proposals, such as celebrating early meso-American themes, aimed to make art of and for the people by creating large-scale murals.

6. “La autonomía zapatista parte del derecho a elegir sus autoridades bajo el principio del ‘mandar-obedeciendo:’ La idea de los pueblos es gobernarse por sí mismos, y tomando como principio de la lucha que el poder está en el pueblo. En nuestro pueblo discuten un tiempo lo que propongamos como autoridad. Pero, como autoridades sólo somos representantes. Sobre nosotros hay un poder que es el poder del pueblo. El pueblo tiene problemas que no llegan a discutir, si no lo han discutido es su problema. Pero si hacemos algo que el pueblo no sabe, entonces, vienen nuestras críticas. Tenemos que aceptarlas (JBG La Realidad).” Retrieved February 10, 2008 from

7. The “Ballot or the Bullet” is the title of a speech delivered by Malcolm X on April 12, 1964 in Detroit Michigan at a meeting sponsored by the Cleveland chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality. For the complete speech please go to

8. Esteva, G. (2003) A Flower in the Hands of the People. New Internationalist 360: Reinventing Power/ The Nation-State. Retrieved on August 2, 2006 from

9. Saul David Alinsky, founder of Industrial Areas Foundation, is known as a community organizer and advocate of the poor. He was a consummate anti-communist who developed organizing methods for fundamental or radical reform led by the middle class. According to The Wanderer (can be found at Rules for Radicals written by Alinsky (1969) is concerned with the acquisition of power: “my aim here is to suggest how to organize for power: how to get it and how to use it.” This is not to be done with assistance to the poor, nor even by organizing the poor to demand assistance: “...[E]ven if all the low-income parts of our population were organized ... it would not be powerful enough to get significant, basic, needed changes.” Alinsky advises the organizer to target the middle class, rather than the poor: “Organization for action will now and in the decades ahead center upon America’s white middle class. That is where the power is.” Alinsky is interested in the middle class solely for its usefulness: “Our rebels have contemptuously rejected the values and the way of life of the middle class. They have stigmatized it as materialistic, decadent, bourgeois, degenerate, imperialistic, war-mongering, brutalized and corrupt. They are right; but we must begin from where we are if we are to build power for change and the power and the people are in the middle class majority.”

10. Proposition 187 was considered by many as an anti-immigrant bill that prohibited undocumented from receiving any services or benefits due to them including educational services and medical benefits. Proposition 187 was passed in 1994 but then overturned by Federal Court on the grounds that immigration matters were under Federal jurisdiction. A summary can be found at

11. Undesirable Elements / Secret History is an ongoing series of community-specific oral history theater works by theater director Ping Chong examining the lives of people born in one culture but currently living in another, either by choice or by circumstance. Each production is made in a specific host community, with local participants testifying to their real lives and experiences. The development process includes an extended residency and rehearsal period during which Ping Chong and collaborators conduct intensive interviews with potential participants.  These interviews form the basis of a script that covers the historical and personal narratives of individuals who are in some way living between cultures. Undesirable Elements testifies to the history of the 20th and 21st centuries and to the displacements of people and cultures in the modern world. The series is designed to help communities confront and overcome cultural insularity by encouraging a greater understanding of the commonalities that bind us all. More can be found at

12. For more information on Chusma please see

13. Fourth Declaration de La Selva Lancandona can be found at Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos Indigenous Clandestine Revolutionary Committee General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation Mexico, January of 1996.

14. See John Holloway, Change the World Without Taking Power: The Meaning of Revolution Today (London, Pluto Press (2002).

15. Can be found at

16. Can be found at

17. Interview with Rosa Romero (January 20, 2007).

18. Regeneración was in reference to the newspaper founded by revolutionary Mexican brothers Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón which operated for a short time out of Hat Street in Los Angeles’ garment district in 1917. A history of the founding of Regeneración can be found at

19. There are two main components of the Aztlán concept. One is the factually based myth accounting for the origin of the Aztecs, the other is concept of Aztlán as the stolen territory or territory annexed by the U.S. in 1848.

20. For more information on the origin of the Aztec Empire see:

21. For more information on the early Chican@ Movement conceptualization of Aztlan as the stolen territory annexed by the U.S. in 1848, see:

22. See Gustavo Esteva: Agenda y Sentido de los Movimientos, Intervención el Primer Coloquio Internacional In Memoriam Andres Aubry,”…Planeta Tierra: movimientos antisistémicos…” San Cristóbal de las Casas, 13-17 de diciembre de 2007 (In Print).

23. On August 13, 2003 the Zapatistas announced the “death” of the five Aguascalientes utilized as meeting places between civil society and the Zapatista communities. The Zapatistas simultaneously announce the birth of five caracoles -- now to be the centers of the autonomous Comités de Buen Gobierno (committees of good government). The first Aguascalientes was established in the small community Guadalupe Tepeyac, next to the Zapatista community of La Realidad and was the meeting site of the Convención Nacional Democrática in August 9-14 of 1994. On February 9, 1995, Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo broke the government’s peace accord and its written promise to treat the EZLN as a belligerent army with rights to negotiate and ordered the arrest of Zapatista leaders. Zedillo attacks the Zapatistas, destroying the community of Guadalupe Tepeyac. There is an immediate negative reaction of venture capitalist investors to this attack and the Mexican stock market plummeted. Zedillo is then forced to pull back within a few days and reestablished negotiations. Shortly after, the Zapatistas issued a communiqué announcing the reconstruction of Aguascalientes in La Realidad and the building of four other Aguascalientes that would correspond to the five regions under Zapatista control. Today, the five Caracoles include: Caracol de Oventik, Caracol de Morelia, Caracol de Roberto Barrios, Caracol de La Garrucha and Caracol de La Realidad. Each caracol encompasses a large region that may include as many as 10 Municipalities. Each municipality varies in size but may include as many as 120 communities. See and

24. Information retrieved on February 14, 2008 from

25. Gustavo Esteva’s presentation (intervención) was made at El Primer Coloquio Internacional In Memoriam Andres Aubrey,”…. Planeta Tierra: movimientos antisistémicos,” San Cristobal de las Casas, 13-17 de diciembre de 2007.

26. The People’s Resource Center was the name of the space that provided art workshops to youth through funding that Zack de La Rocha provided. The same space was also referred to as Regeneración.

27. In this particular consulta which was intercontinental, the CCRI agreed that in the U.S., the consulta brigadas could add a question on Chican@s. The question read: “Do you agree that Chican@ Mexican@ and other people of color communities and barrios within the U.S. have the right to self-determination?”

28. In 1999 before the Mexican Congress met to either strike down or approve Los Acuerdos de San Andres, in an attempt to inform the Mexican government of the wishes of the people, the Zapatistas launched a “consulta” or survey process. This however was not a simple consultation but an elaborate exercise in participatory democracy. According to the Comité Clandestino Revolucionario Indígena, “For this year of 1999, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation has launched a new initiative of dialogue and peace calling for a mobilization, both in Mexico and in the rest of the world, that aims to achieve the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples and the end to the war of extermination. An important step in this mobilization is to carry out a Consultation among all Mexicans, wherever they may live, concerning the Commission of Concordance and Pacification's Indigenous Law Initiative. This Consultation will be held on Sunday, the 21st of March, 1999.” (CCRI Communiqué, January, 1999). This entailed sending 5,000 representatives from the EZLN in Chiapas to cover the whole republic of Mexico. They'd been spreading the word for a while, and set up a system through which cities and towns that wanted to receive the Zapatista delegates, could register with a coordinating committee. The consulta consisted of the following questions. 1. Do you agree that the Indian people should be included with all their force and richness in the national project, and participate actively in the construction of a new Mexico? 2. Do you agree that indigenous rights should be recognized in the Mexican Constitution, conforming to the Agreements of San Andres and conforming to the Commission of Peace and Harmony of the Congress of the Union? (The question refers to two government agreements relating to indigenous rights that have never been complied with.)? 3. Do you agree that we should reach a true peace through the route of dialog, demilitarizing the country with the return of the soldiers to their barracks as the constitution and the laws establish? 4. Do you agree that the people must organize themselves, and demand that the government “mandate obediently” over all aspects of the national life? CCRI consulta correspondence from

29. I, for instance, lost both my maternal great grand father and my paternal grandfather during the revolution of 1910. Both my father and my maternal grandmother became orphans which let to other complications passed down through the generations.

30. Holloway, J. (1998) Dignity’s Revolt. It can be found at Esteva, G. (2005) Celebration of Zapatismo. Ediciones Basta. Oaxaca, Oaxaca..


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Published in In Motion Magazine May 2, 2009.